By John Q. Hosedrinker 
As the four-year anniversary of the overturning of Roe v. Wade approached, civil rights attorney Azaleea Carlea of Portland highlighted Sen. Susan Collins’ pivotal role in this decision. Collins’ vote to appoint Justice Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, despite assurances that Roe v. Wade was settled law, is seen as directly leading to the rollback of abortion rights. This has resulted in 63 million women living in states with bans and has exacerbated issues with emergency medical treatment, maternal health, and the safety of domestic violence survivors. Therefore, many in Maine believe Collins’ actions demonstrate a lack of accountability and fitness for office, advocating for a change in representation.
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It’s a complex tapestry of blame when discussing the fall of Roe v. Wade, and while many threads contribute to the unraveling of that landmark decision, a significant portion of the responsibility undeniably lands on Susan Collins. Her role, particularly in the confirmation of Justice Brett Kavanaugh, wasn’t just a vote; it was a pivotal moment that allowed the judiciary to shift dramatically against reproductive rights. It’s easy to get lost in the collective actions of the entire Republican party, and they certainly bear a heavy burden. Yet, Collins occupies a unique position, often perceived as a moderate voice within a staunchly conservative Senate. This perceived centrism allowed her to be a linchpin in confirming justices who would ultimately overturn Roe, a decision that has had devastating consequences, especially for Black women who are disproportionately affected by abortion bans, facing significantly higher risks of death during pregnancy and childbirth.
Her support for Kavanaugh’s confirmation, in particular, has been dissected and criticized extensively. It wasn’t merely a passive agreement; there’s a strong argument to be made that her closing arguments for his confirmation acted as a final nail in Roe’s coffin. This wasn’t a surprise to many who have followed her career; her voting record and public stances have long suggested a disregard for reproductive freedoms. For those who watched her closely, her actions were predictable, and her constituents in Maine, by electing her, have seemingly accepted the outcomes of her choices, even as the rest of the nation grapples with the ramifications.
The focus on Collins, while not absolving others, is warranted because of the perception of her sway. The argument that she is “uniquely responsible” often stems from the idea that her vote was not just one of many, but potentially the deciding factor, or at least the most influential in creating the necessary consensus. This viewpoint suggests that her alleged commitment to moderate positions, which she often leveraged for political gain, ultimately proved to be a false promise when it came to women’s rights. Her seeming naivete, or perhaps a deliberate blindness, to the consequences of her votes, particularly regarding the Supreme Court’s composition, has led many to view her as a deceptive figure, a “Lucy with the football” who repeatedly dashed hopes for the preservation of established rights.
It’s also crucial to acknowledge the broader context of missed opportunities that paved the way for this outcome. While Collins’s vote was a critical juncture, the failure to codify Roe v. Wade into federal law by Democrats when they held majorities in Congress across multiple presidencies is a significant omission. This inaction allowed the issue to remain vulnerable to judicial interpretation and, ultimately, reversal. The argument that Democrats deliberately used abortion rights as a wedge issue, rather than solidifying them through legislation, highlights another layer of responsibility. This strategic approach, while perhaps politically expedient for some, ultimately left the right to choose unprotected at the federal level.
Furthermore, the 2016 election and the subsequent appointments to the Supreme Court are undeniable factors. Many point to the voters who supported third-party candidates, or those who stayed home, as indirectly contributing to the election of a president who prioritized appointing conservative judges. The role of figures like Leonard Leo, who spearheaded the Federalist Society’s efforts to stack the Supreme Court with ideologically aligned justices, and his alleged ties to Collins, further complicates the narrative, suggesting a deeper network of influence at play. This interconnectedness of political maneuvering, judicial strategy, and electoral outcomes underscores the multifaceted nature of Roe’s demise.
The critique of singling out Collins, however, is also a valid point. The idea that she is “uniquely responsible” can feel like an oversimplification, allowing others to evade accountability. The fall of Roe was a collective effort, a culmination of decades of sustained attacks on reproductive rights by many individuals and institutions. Her vote was the final act in a long drama, but it was enabled by the actions and inactions of countless others. The “team effort” towards this outcome means that every senator who voted to confirm justices that overturned Roe, every politician who failed to protect these rights legislatively, and even those who supported the broader conservative agenda, share in this responsibility.
However, the argument for Collins’s unique responsibility often hinges on her specific role and perceived betrayal of a more moderate stance. It’s the disillusionment with a politician who was seen by some as a potential bulwark against extreme ideology, only to ultimately facilitate the erosion of fundamental rights, that fuels this singular focus. Her legacy is now inextricably linked to this outcome, a defining moment that overshadows any other political achievements or pronouncements. The depth of the disappointment and anger directed at her suggests that her actions, within the specific political climate and her particular position, had a weight and impact that, for many, makes her singularly accountable in the public consciousness.