By John Q. Hosedrinker 
African regional governance bodies have rejected Israel’s recent recognition of Somaliland as an independent nation. This move, the first by any country in over three decades, has been met with strong opposition from the African Union, Somalia’s federal government, and the East African governing body IGAD, all of whom reaffirm Somalia’s sovereignty. They emphasize Somaliland’s integral status within Somalia’s borders and view Israel’s action as a threat to regional peace and stability. The reasoning behind Israel’s decision remains unclear, although it comes amidst a backdrop of potential resettlement plans for Palestinians discussed earlier this year.
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African regional bodies are clearly not thrilled about Israel’s recognition of Somaliland. That much is obvious, and it’s something we should unpack.
The crux of the matter, as I understand it, lies in the murky waters of international law regarding statehood. The Montevideo Convention sets out the criteria for a state: a permanent population, defined territory, a government, and the capacity to engage in relations with other states. It’s generally accepted that if you meet those conditions, you *are* a state, and recognition by other nations is simply an acknowledgment of that fact. It’s like saying, you already *exist*, and we’re just noticing.
Now, Somaliland has, by many accounts, met those criteria for a long time. It has a government, a population, and it controls a defined territory. The problem is that it hasn’t been widely recognized by other countries, and for some, that’s a deal-breaker. How can it truly engage in relations, they ask, if no one sees it as a state?
This brings us to the counter-argument, and the meat of the dispute. Some people believe that recognition is merely an acknowledgment, not a prerequisite. And that many states have been created by breaking away from the established order. If one country recognizes Somaliland, then it has the capacity to relate to another state. It’s a chicken-and-egg situation that’s messy at best. Furthermore, it’s worth noting that if one country *does* recognize Somaliland, even one, then Somaliland has met one of the Montevideo criteria. Those who don’t recognize aren’t *un-stating* Somaliland, if it otherwise has met the criteria.
The whole thing gets even more complicated when you look at instances where these criteria seem to be selectively applied. Some entities that arguably *don’t* meet the Montevideo criteria, such as Palestine (lacking full control of its territory and with divided governance), have received recognition. Conversely, entities like Somaliland, which arguably do meet the criteria, have been left in the cold. It’s a game where the rules are, well, flexible.
The reality, as it often is with international law, is that what nations *do* tends to trump what the “rules” supposedly say. Nations act in their self-interest and do what they can get away with.
In this specific case, the African regional bodies are facing an uphill battle in two significant ways. Firstly, legally speaking, there’s little to stop Israel from recognizing Somaliland, provided that Somaliland does meet the Montevideo criteria. Secondly, even if they wanted to, they don’t have enough leverage to dictate Israel’s actions.
The geopolitical angles are where it starts to get interesting. Some argue this move is a power play, potentially backed by the United Arab Emirates and aimed at counteracting the influence of Turkey and Saudi Arabia in the region. Israel, facing condemnation elsewhere, may be looking for strategic advantages in a volatile location, perhaps even establishing a foothold in a region of critical trade routes.
The potential benefits for Somaliland are also significant. An alliance with a nation like Israel, with its expertise in agriculture, water management, and technology, could be transformational. But that comes at a steep price.
The issue of Palestinian refugees has been raised as a potential factor in the recognition. Concerns have arisen that Israel would use Somaliland as a destination for Palestinians, similar to the Madagascar Plan. This plan has been rejected by Somaliland and is unlikely to happen, as it would cause Somaliland international issues. The president of Somaliland has also rejected the idea.
But, regardless, the question is whether nations get to reject other nations’ recognitions. If Canada decides to recognize Italy, should Sweden be able to say “no”? Countries can try to put pressure on each other by refusing to do business with them, but this seems unlikely to stop Israel or Somaliland.
Ultimately, this whole situation highlights the inherent complexities of international relations and the ever-shifting landscape of recognition and power. This is a complex situation, and it’s likely to remain that way.