The National Meeting for Unity and Peace in Tripoli on November 15th, brought together nearly a thousand Libyans to reignite the discussion of restoring Libya’s constitutional monarchy by reactivating the 1951 Independence Constitution. This document, the first of its kind in the region, is viewed as the only legitimate framework for stabilizing the country after years of instability, with Crown Prince Mohammed El-Senussi as a unifying figure above partisan politics. For the United Kingdom, which played a key role in Libya’s original independence and has significant strategic interests tied to the country’s stability, supporting a Libyan-led process to restore institutional legitimacy and national unity is crucial. A stable Libya based on the 1951 framework would not only benefit regional security, but also advance the UK’s long-term diplomatic, security, and economic objectives.
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Libya Pushes to Restore Its Monarchy is not a universally supported movement but it does seem that a small faction within the country has been discussing it. The reality of the situation seems to be that a gathering of people interested in the idea, rather than the Libyan nation as a whole, is promoting this particular political strategy. It’s difficult to gauge the true scope of the support.
It’s hard to imagine General Haftar, a prominent figure in Libya’s ongoing struggles, simply accepting a king without a fight. The existing power dynamics in Libya are incredibly complex, and any shift, especially one as significant as restoring a monarchy, would undoubtedly face resistance from various factions.
The key question then becomes: What kind of monarchy is being envisioned? Based on the information available, it appears that the goal is not to reinstate an absolute monarch, but rather a constitutional monarchy. This means the monarch would have a symbolic role, perhaps acting as a unifying figurehead, while the government would be run through elected officials and a parliament. The appeal of such a system lies in the potential for stability and unity, which could be a welcome change after years of civil war and instability.
The idea of a constitutional monarchy does echo some established systems elsewhere in the world. It’s a lot like the one used in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. In fact, many people feel that a system of this type would be preferable to the factional voting and constant power struggles that have plagued Libya since the fall of Gaddafi. The fact that the monarchies in the region often operate as much more stable, Westphalian states than some of the “democracies” in the world, certainly is thought provoking.
Of course, the question of who the monarch would be is crucial. The last king of Libya died some years ago and his biological children all died young. The most likely candidate seems to be Mohammed El Senussi, the son of the previous head of the Libyan royal family, Hasan as-Senussi. This provides a clear line of succession, which is important for the stability of any monarchy.
The appeal is understandable. A constitutional monarchy could provide a neutral arbiter, a figure above the political fray, to help bridge divides and foster a sense of national unity. After the challenges the country has faced, it’s understandable that some might be open to a system that offers stability and a unifying symbol. They won’t want another all-powerful leader.
The suggestion is that this return could also mean a restoration of the pre-Gaddafi democratic constitution of 1951, which was written with the help of the British and created the first independent Libyan state. This constitution, in many ways, represented the closest Libya ever came to democracy and the rule of law. It’s a tempting idea, and something, that if successful, could offer a better path forward for the country.
Ultimately, though, restoring a monarchy, even a constitutional one, is a complex matter. Some would argue that a monarchy, by its very definition, is at odds with democracy and the will of the people. A constitutional monarchy might be a viable compromise to provide stability and perhaps unifying forces to a nation that so desperately needs it.
And yet, despite all the challenges and questions, the situation is not quite as simple as it seems. If the Libyan people hypothetically voted in a referendum to return to monarchy, then it would, technically speaking, be the will of the people. It’s a complex equation, but one that could, in theory, offer a pathway toward a more stable and unified Libya.
